HOW TO MAKE SENSE OF POLICE SHOOTING INNOCENTS

HOW TO MAKE SENSE OF POLICE SHOOTING INNOCENTS

In numerical terms, most of these people are white, but blacks, especially black men, die in greater proportion than whites. I agree with legal scholars Frank Zimring that this issue is a testament to a serious national problem.

In 2016, for example, only 20 people were executed for the death penalty in the United States. When there are fifty times more than legal supplements than legal killings in society, we have a problem.

On the other hand, police homicides each year account for only about 1/40 of the number of people killed each year in traffic accidents, and only 1/10 of the total number of homicides per gun. There are more than 12,000 law enforcement agencies in the country and about 750,000 sworn officers (ie an officer with detention power).

We do not know how many times agents interact with the public, but are estimated to represent the total number of arrests of contrevenance each year to ten million. In recent years, police in New York City have only issued approximately 650,000 citations. Taking these figures into account, the annual number of interactions between police officers and citizens can be estimated with caution in the tens of millions.

It is very important to recognize that the vast majority of these interactions do not begin or end with violence. As a percentage of all meetings, the use of lethal force by the police is extremely rare. A thousand dead between police custody is certainly much, but compared to what?

However, for many urban communities of color, this is not the whole story. As they should, these communities consider the conduct of the police as a whole. Mortal violence, though infrequent, is at the top of a long-term pattern of over-surveillance and under-protection, which I had written many times before.

For the community, deadly violence is only the most extreme expression of a much more common practice of unnecessary and humiliating stops, unnecessary appointments, disrespect, and episodic brutality (though not fatal). Exactly, and understandably, the community knows litter intoit, non-isolated and unrelated practices.

In addition, knowledge of lethal violence in a community of color moves quickly and is reflected in others.
The death of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri; Tamir Rice in Cleveland; By Eric Garner on Staten Island; Freddy Gray in Baltimore; Castile and Philando outside of Minneapolis are naturally experienced and understood as a set of related events that combine and reinforce each other to create a widespread sense of community in a state of siege.

As Alice Goffman describes in her excellent report on urban Philadelphia police, many in the black community felt attacked.

When the community colors burst in response to a police murder, they frequently not only react to gunfire, but shots as the culmination of a series of prolonged and much more common police practices, both in the community and in other countries.

From the outside, many white focus on it and point out, rightly pointed out, that the incidence of violence is, unfortunately, infrequent and that this particular vaccine may have been legally justified; Those within, however, see the shot in fuller light, and rightly point out that the use of lethal force is not opposed to other behaviors.

For communities of color, the violence of police detention – regardless of generality and regardless of justification – is part of the inevitable reality of modern police.

I just do not understand why it is so difficult for people to understand these very different perspectives on police violence. Every perspective is legitimate, in fact, everyone is obviously “right”. However, still a modest step to highlight the symbol to denounce supporters on both sides. It’s a jigsaw puzzle.

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